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Picture Picture

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1896,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.


T HE publication of a new History of Waterbury was first seriously considered by the firm of Price, Lee & Co. in the summer of 1887. The undersigned was invited at that time to take in hand the preparation of such a work, but felt compelled to decline the task. He gave to the publishers, however, the names of two writers whom he regarded as well fitted for the work, and in September the following notice appeared in the public prints: "Price, Lee & Co. of New Haven announce that their History of Waterbury is in course of preparation,-the first hundred years in charge of Miss Sarah J. Prichard, and the last hundred years in charge of Miss Anna L. Ward." More than a year after this (on November 16, 1888) the firm issued a circular, in which, after referring to the publication of Bronson's History in 1858 and to the remarkable development of Waterbury since then, and expressing the conviction that the time had come for a new history of the town and city, they announced that arrangements had been completed for the preparation of such a work, and solicited the cooperation of those interested in the subject. In addition to Miss Prichard and Miss Ward, "the Rev. Dr. Joseph Anderson, the Hon. F. J. Kingsbury and Mr. H. F. Bassett " were mentioned as having been engaged to contribute chapters upon special topics or periods. From that time until now the work has been going forward with but little interruption, and in addition to those already mentioned several other writers have been enlisted, as indicated in the table of contents.

Up to the date of the issue of the circular just referred to, but little had been done toward putting on record the history of Water-bury. Interesting references to the town had occasionally been made by the early writers, as for example by President Timothy Dwight in his " Travels in New England and New York "; Barber in his " Historical Collections," in 1836, had devoted to it an entertaining chapter (prepared, by the way, by Judge Bennet Bronson); Charles Burton had published in the National Magazine, in 1857, his articles on the "Valley of the Naugatuck," two of them relating to Waterbury; Orcutt had issued in 1875 his History of Wolcott," covering an important section of the old town; biographies of Waterbury men had appeared in such works as the " Biographical


Encyclopedia of Connecticut and Rhode Island," and the "Representative Manufacturers of New England," and in the Leaven-worth, the Benedict, the Terry and the Hoadley genealogies; special subjects had been touched upon in such books or pamphlets as those of Chauncey Jerome and Henry Terry on clock making, and those by Messrs. Kingsbury and Anderson enumerated on pages 959-962 of our second volume; the Waterbury Almanac, begun in 1853, had garnered from year to year, so long as its issue continued, the facts not only of the passing time but of the earlier days; the newspapers, for nearly half a century, had been making their daily or weekly record, and-most important of all-Dr. Bronson had published his History, embodying in it materials derived by his father from documents that have entirely disappeared. But Dr. Bronson's work was completed within five years after Waterbury became a city, and was practically limited in its scope to the period that closes with the Revolutionary war. His account of " manufacturing in Waterbury," for instance, fills less than four pages. There was a clear field for the modern historian, _ and much interesting material in reference to the earlier times which had not yet been made use of. The claim of the circular, that in view of the rapid growth of Waterbury, the "marvellous development of the industries by which it has became known throughout the world," and the additional facts concerning its earlier period that had come to light, the time had arrived for a new history of the town and city, seemed fully justified.

The plan of the work, as indicated from the start, contemplated a book divided into two volumes, embracing about a century each. After a time the accumulation of materials for the modern period was so great that it became necessary that as much as possible should be crowded into the first volume. The line separating the two volumes was accordingly drawn through 1825, the year of the organization of Waterbury as a borough, and this involved the division of the history of the First church, of St. John's parish and the cemeteries of the town into two parts, the earlier of which is to be found in Volume I and the later in Volume III.

A recognition of the successive territorial partitions of the original township involved our including in our scheme the history of Watertown and Plymouth to 178o, of Wolcott to 1796, of Middle-bury to 1807, of Prospect to 1826 and of Naugatuck to 1844. The earlier history of these derivative towns is covered substantially by the narrative in Volume I, the only important exception being the history of Salem society (now Naugatuck) from the Revolution to its incorporation as a town, which it seemed best to leave, with


the exception of the Salem church, to some future historian to reproduce on a scale commensurate with its importance.

The narrative of the colonial and revolutionary periods is the result of an independent study by Miss Prichard of the original sources, including documents that have come to light since Dr. Bronson's History was written. This study was pursued with but little reference to Bronson, although the value of his labors was known from the beginning. It ought to be understood, however, that it was not the purpose of the author or the editor to supersede the earlier work; on the contrary, certain subjects to which Bronson devoted special attention are in this History passed over lightly for that reason. It may be added that Dr. Bronson, to the hour of his death, was deeply interested in the present entérprise.

The outline given at the opening of the second volume indicates the largeness of the plan upon which the modern history of the town and city was projected. It has been carried out with a fulness of detail hardly anticipated even by the editor when he prepared the schedule of topics for the guidance of his collaborators. It is therefore safe to say that this History is more extended in its scope and more exhaustive in details than any town history thus far published. This is made evident in the treatment given to the several departments of the city government, and to special topics not heretofore included in local histories, as shown in the chapters on street names, corporations, inventors and their patents, college graduates, philanthropic institutions, amusements and fraternities. While the fact has never been lost sight of that Waterbury is a great manufacturing centre, while the manufactories and the men who have controlled them have had justice done to them, at the same time a serious effort has been made to represent the many other phases of the life of a prosperous modern city. By following a plan constructed with some reference to modern sociology, the History has become almost cyclopedic in its character, and instead of being, as the prospectus proposed, a work in two volumes, of about 500 pages each," has grown into three volumes, with a total of 2250 pages. The liberality of the publishers in furnishing to subscribers so much more than was promised deserves to be recognized here, and this may serve at the same time as an explanation of the delay in the completion of the work.

In view of the attention given to details, the casual reader will be surprised at certain omissions and discrepancies which he is likely to discover. The probability of the occurrence of error is increased in any work when it is accomplished by collaboration. But in the present case the chief explanation of omissions and


irregularities is to be found in the lack of cooperation on the part of the public. For the earlier history of the town the sources are of course documentary, and were therefore at the command of the author. For the later history resort must be had to living men, as individuals or as official representatives of organizations, and in many instances repeated appeals had to be made in order to secure a satisfactory statement of essential facts. If the amount of correspondence and of personal effort on the part of the compiler required to secure the data for some of our chapters could be known, it would serve as a revelation in regard to the indifference of the great majority to matters of history, and the difficulties that beset the local historian. Should omissions, then, be discovered, it may be that others than the compiler or the editor are to be blamed for them. It may be presumed at all events that omissions are not accidental, or the result of the want of a plan, but were allowed for some good reason. In the field of manufactures and trade, for example, it was found necessary to limit the record to corporations, and not to touch upon unincorporated business firms unless incidentally. There was of course no intention of slighting anybody or neglecting any interest."

In a work like this, one of the matters difficult to deal with is the biographical element. Who among the living or the dead shall be selected for biographical treatment? and who shall be omitted? In answering these questions it was found impossible to draw a line which any two persons could agree upon. It should be said, how-ever, that the classification and grouping of biographies under different departments naturally led to including persons who might otherwise have been omitted, while others, of no less value in the eyes of the community and in their influence upon it, were passed by. In some cases, in which a formal biography is not given, the significant facts of the life are mentioned incidentally, and can readily be discovered by help of the index. If some biographies seem needlessly long and others too brief, it must be remembered that most of the sketches were prepared from materials furnished by the persons themselves or by their relatives. A similar remark may be made in regard to the genealogical data. The appendix of " Family Records " in our first volume must be of the highest value from the genealogist's point of view, but our History, nevertheless, was not intended to be a genealogy, and makes no claim to be so considered. When, however, the names of a second or third generation and the birth-dates of male children were furnished, especially in families fully identified with Waterbury, we put them on record almost as a matter of course.


PREFACE.   vii

The authorship of our History affords a fine illustration of the modern tendency to cooperative work in literature. The original plan, which placed the first hundred years in charge of Miss Prichard and the second hundred years in charge of Miss Ward, has been substantially followed out, although in each volume a group of writers is represented. Miss Prichard, in pursuance of her task, after years of patient and loving research, contributed to the History an elaborate and vivid narrative covering the colonial and revolutionary periods, and prepared, in addition, chapters on the old highways, on. early place-names, on the history of the First church and on the church in Salem society. The relation of her work to Dr. Bronson's has been already referred to, but- it , would not be easy to set forth the entire newness of the picture she has painted, and the amount of well-established detail she has introduced into it. As we read her story, the Waterbury of the eighteenth century comes back to us, vital with the old colonial life and clothed at the same time in that rich and tender coloring which the past so naturally takes on at the magic touch of a pen like hers.

From the nature of the case Miss Ward's work was entirely different. As already indicated, the sources she had to draw upon were living men and existing organizations, and much labor was required in securing the cooperation even of those who were them-selves subjects of the history. The newspapers of half a century had to be searched, an extended correspondence had to be carried on and personal interviews held, for the securing of materials, and after all this came a task of preliminary editorship, ere. these materials could be handed over to the writers who were to prepare the several narratives. Such work can never secure the recognition it deserves, because it is work beneath the surface; but such work as this underlies our second and third volumes throughout, and without it our history of modern Waterbury could not have come into being. Miss Ward's relations to the people of the present time made her a representative, to a certain extent, of the business aspects of the publication, and in this field also she has exhibited decided ability. The numerous illustrations with which the book is adorned have been in her charge, and the elaborate index is the fruit of her skill in a field in which she is known as an expert.

Among the collaborators there are two who ought to be specially mentioned because of the large amount of work done by them. One of these is Miss Katharine Prichard, who prepared with pains-taking labor the invaluable appendix containing a transcript, with important additions, of the records of the town in relation to births,

viii   PREFACE.

marriages and deaths. The other is Mr. Kingsbury, who has not only written a number of chapters, but has served continually as a repository of genealogical and other facts, ever ready to be drawn upon and always reliable. The others who have cooperated in the production of the several narratives are designated in the table of contents prefixed to each volume. A helper who has, perhaps, done more for the work than is thus indicated is Benjamin F. Howland, who has assisted Miss Prichard in following out many lines of re-search. Another is Professor David G. Porter. Another is Miss Mary DeForest Hotchkiss, whose services have been chiefly, but by no means exclusively, clerical. The editor takes the liberty of saying that he regards the men and women who have contributed to this History as constituting a corps of workers of exceptional ability -some of them filling the position of specialists in the fields in which they have labored. ,

With so large a variety of authors, it was inevitable that there should be considerable diversity of style and treatment, and, as already suggested, occasional repetitions and contradictions. The diversity of style* and treatment is probably an advantage. As for contradictions and repetitions, they have been eliminated, so far as a laborious editorial revision could accomplish this. The editor is not responsible for Miss Prichard's narrative, but only for its place in relation to the work as a whole. As for the other chapters, he has taken it upon himself to shape them with reference to a certain editorial standard, which included such minor matters as punctuation and capitalization, and the omission of the titles Mr." and

Miss," and of the name of the state after places, when that state is Connecticut. It included also, within certain limits, the literary form of the chapters.

That some parts of the History are brought down only to 1894 and others to the end of 1895 is explained by the fact that the work has been going through the press for two years. Many changes have taken place in the community in the meantime, the most important of which is probably the securing of a new charter for the city and the reorganization under it of the municipal departments. (As the first volume was printed before the division into three volumes was decided upon, some of the references therein to Volume II should read Volume III.")

Since this work was first projected, several books and pamphlets have appeared, relating to the history of Waterbury. Among these are: " Waterbury and Her Industries," published in 1888; " Water-bury Illustrated," published by Adt & Brother in 1889; "The Book of the Riverside Cemetery," 1889; Waterbury, its Location, Wealth,


Finances, etc., published by the Board of Trade," 1890; The Military History of Waterbury," 1891; " The Churches of Mattatuck," 1892, and "The History of New Haven County" (Volume II, Chapter XV) 1892. It is pleasant to note that all these, except the last, were prepared by writers belonging to our corps of collaborators, and were not designed to supersede this work or any part of it.

A fact which ought not to pass without mention here is that several of those who have been engaged upon this work did not live to see it completed. Of the writers whose names appear in our table of contents four have finished their earthly course since the History was begun: Nathan Dikeman, Israel Holmes, 2nd, who died February 12, 1895, the Rev. J. H. Duggan, who died November io, 1895, and Thomas S. Collier of New London. The widely-known en-graver, Alexander H. Ritchie, by whom most of the steel plate portraits in this History were executed, died September 20, 1895, in his seventy-fourth year. He was a native of Scotland, an artist in oil colors, and for twenty-five years a member of the National Academy of Design. He had frequently expressed a desire to complete this series of portraits, upon which he had been at work for seven years, and during his last illness had the satisfaction of knowing that his hope had been realized. It is to be added that George S. Lester, who, as a representative of the publishers, was for some time closely connected with the History, and well-known in Waterbury, died on April 20, 1893.

The editor ventures to say a word in conclusion in reference to his own work. It was understood at the outset that the three gentlemen mentioned in. the prospectus should constitute a kind of editorial board, to whom the various doubtful questions likely to arise, as well as the general shaping of the work, should be submitted. This position they have not abdicated and their advice has continually been sought, but as the work advanced, its editorial management devolved more and more upon the undersigned, and became by degrees a close supervision, extending not only to the general plan and outline but to innumerable details of form and arrangement, to say nothing of the composition of entire chapters of the narrative. The duty of supervision, which the editor thought of in advance as but little else than a pastime, proved for various reasons to be a prolonged and laborious task. The plan of the History was so extensive, and the standard adopted so high, that a much greater burden of labor came upon him than he anticipated when he accepted the position. His professional duties, of course, could not be transferred, and this special work must there-fore be performed at odd times and during summer vacations and


in midnight hours. If it is not what it ought to be, he hopes that these facts may serve to explain deficiencies. Looking back over the past four years, he is inclined to appropriate as his own the quaint language of Anthony a Wood in the preface to his History of Oxford: "A painful work it is, I'll assure you, and more than difficult,-wherein what toyle hath been taken, as no man thinketh so no man believeth, except he hath made the trial." A "painful work," but a work that has had its pleasures; and not the least of these has been the close association into which it has brought the editor with the other workers in the same field. That it has also opened up to him a richer and more detailed knowledge of this. noble old town, of which he has been a citizen for more than thirty years-a town remarkable for its strong men and for its marvellous development as an industrial centre-is something for which he cannot cease to be grateful.




Anderson, Joseph, .   Frontispiece.





Bronson, Alvin,


Bronson, Josiah,


Cook, Lemuel,


Hopkins, Samuel, D. D.,






John Warner's staff,


Tree in the rock on the old Cheshire road,


A western war-club, scalp-locks attached, and old Waterbury buttons marked

" Scovills & Co. extra,"


Pestle of Turkey hill Indians,


Indian pipes,


Implements found in Naugatnek,   .


Soapstone dish and chipped implements, Hospital bluff, Waterbury, .


Dish. axes and " Chungke stone," Waterbury,


Specimens found near Bunker Hill,


Pestle and soapstone dish from Watertown,


Toy implements from a child's grave,


Articles of agreement and association adopted by the planters of Mattatuck;

first page,


Articles of agreement; second page,


Articles of agreement; reverse,


The old Town Plot, .


House lots of Mattatuck, 1651,


Dr. Henry Bronson's map, .


The oldest gravestone,


The Indian deed of February 20, 16S4,


The Three Sisters, alias the Three Brothers,   _


Waterbury township of 1686; view from Malmalick hill,   19S,


Proprietors' book of record, 1677-1722,


Hop Meadow hill; the sections remaining in 1E91,


Looking down upon Steel's meadow and plain,   .


Pine meadow, looking southward from Reynolds bridge.


Jericho rock and Buck's Meadow mountain,


The Rock house







Steel's meadow along the river,


Map of survey, 1715,


Entrance of Beacon Hill brook into the Naugatuck river at the straits,


House built by the Rev. John Trumbull, .


The valley of " the small river that comes through the straits northward of



Fac-simile of invitation to a ball,


House built by William Adams,


Factory of J. M. L. & W. N. Scovill, 1835,   .


Third house of worship of the First church, 1796 to 1840,


Fac-simile of receipt given by Andrew Eliot,


Facsimile of receipt given by Thomas Ruggles,


St. John's church, 1795,


Gravestone of Hannah Hopkins,


The Porter house at Union City,   .


The house site of Ebenezer Richards,


The old mill at Greystone,   .


Some autographs of early settlers,   168 Ap.











By Homer F. Bassett, M. A.




By the Rev. Joseph Anderson, D. D. Also the three

following chapters.













By Miss Sarah J. Prichard.   This and the following

chapters to Chatter XXXIV were written by Miss



CUT,   .   .
























WATERBURY IN 1659, .   .



FROM 1685 to 1691,   .





































EVENTS FROM' 1732 TO 1741,









1742-1760.   .



















By Arthur Reed Kimball.




By Mrs. Emily Goodrich Smith (with additions).




By Miss Sarah J. Prichard and Benjamin F. Howland.




By the Hon. Frederick J. Kingsbury, LL. D.





By Miss Charlotte Benedict; the First Academy by the

late Israel Holmes, and.



SALEM,    601

By Miss S. J. Prichard (zj5. 6oz-6z6; 60-646) and Dr.

Joseph Anderson. The biography of Dr. Samuel

Hopkins by Miss Benedict.

By F. J. Kingsbury, LL. D.


By Miss Katharine Prichard (pp. 666-68o) and Dr. Joseph Anderson.

By Miss S. J. Prichard and Benjamin F. Howland.

By Miss Katharine Prichard.




ANCIENT WATERBURY embraced a territory lying on both sides of the Naugatuck river and extending from the -point where Beacon Hill brook joins that stream, or the southérnmost limit of the town of Naugatuck, to the northern line of the towns of Plymouth and Thomaston, or even further north. The length of this tract is not less than sixteen miles and the average breadth about eight, and it contains nearly one hundred and thirty square miles. Lying near the southern extremity of the Green Mountain range, it has a surface consisting of several low, parallel ridges, with narrow valleys between, which trend almost without exception to the south. The unevenness of the surface produces numerous watersheds of limited extent, from which small streams find their way to the Naugatuck. Only one of these is called a river, and this is hardly more than a good sized brook. So numerous are these streams tfiât they are supposed to have suggested the name given to the territory when it was incorporated as a town.

One of the largest tributaries of the Naugatuck is Lead Mine brook, which takes its name from a hill in the town of Harwinton, where a mine of black lead was supposed to exist. This stream enters the Naugatuck a short distance south of the present northern line of Plymouth, but there are good reasons for believing that the original boundary was further north and that Lead Mine hill was within the limits of ancient Waterbury. Northfield branch enters the Naugatuck, from the west, at the village of Thomaston. A mile south of this, at Reynolds Bridge, West branch, which rises in the town of Morris, flows into the river, also from the west. It is generally called " the Branch." The next tributary is Hancock brook, which unites with the main stream at Waterville. It drains a long, narrow valley, east of, and nearly parallel with, the Naugatuck. Steele's brook, whose watershed embraces the eastern and northern parts of Watertown, enters the Naugatuck from the west about half way between Waterville and Waterbury. The largest


and most important branch of the main stream, within the limits of the ancient territory, is Mad river. This stream has its source in Cedar swamp, which lies partly in the town of Bristol and partly in Wolcott, and was so named when it was covered with a heavy growth of white cedars. A dam of very moderate height, across the outlet, has converted it into a large reservoir, and its waters are used by the factories along the stream. Mad river, on its way to the Naugatuck, receives several tributaries. The largest of these are Lily brook, Lindley brook and Chestnut Hill brook. They furnish a large quantity of most excellent water, and are considered of great importance to Waterbury as the probable source of a future water supply. A small stream known as Smug's brook enters the Naugatuck from the east, at Hopeville, and a larger one, called Fulling-mill brook, at Union City. The next two tributaries are from the west. The first, Hop brook, joins the river between Union City and Naugatuck, and the other, Long Meadow brook, at the lower end of Naugatuck village. Beacon Hill brook, the southernmost tributary within the limits of our territory, is historically :interesting as the ancient boundary between Waterbury and Derby. It unites with the Naugatuck just where the hills converge to form the gorge below the village of Naugatuck. It is thought that during the glacial period this gorge was closed by ice or other obstructions, and that a lake occupied the valley for many miles above.

The Naugatuck itself is formed by the union of two streams which come together at Torrington. The eastern branch rises in the town of Winchester and flows nearly south ; the western rises in Norfolk and flows southeasterly. Besides the streams we have mentioned there are numerous unnamed brooks which, after a brief course, fall into the main river. All the streams are fed largely by springs of pure water and were, in earlier times, the trout fisher's paradise.

There are no lakes in this territory, although Quassapaug is at one point only eighty rods " from the line that bounded ancient Waterbury on the west. Neither are there any large swamps. There are many small ones and not a few pools and temporary lakelets that disappear in the dry season. These are formed in the slight depressions in the underlying mica - slate and, as many of them have no visible inlet or outlet and are slowly filling up with vegetable and other matter falling into them, they make a sort of rude gauge by which we may roughly estimate the length of time that has elapsed since these basins were formed. Some of them are filled with peat moss, and attempts have been made to use


the peaty deposits for fuel, but with unsatisfactory results. A few have been drained and reclaimed and are now productive lands.*

One very important feature of this region remains to be noticed. It is the alluvial deposits along the Naugatuck river and some of its branches. At the time of its settlement by the whites these were natural meadows. They were not peculiar to these streams, but it was their existence here that led the settlers to choose this territory. They are of limited area, and the fertility of the soil caused the natives to destroy the forests which covered them, if such ever existed.

The geological history of Waterbury is short but interesting. All that the surface reveals, even to the eye of the geologist, is the existence of the same mica-slate and semi-crystalline rock that forms the foundation of the entire Green Mountain range, a superficial deposit of drift and the insignificant alluvial deposit already referred to. The two formations first named, though in contact are widely separated in time, but how widely geologists do not tell us, as the age or relative place of the Green Mountain mica-slate is a question on which they fail to agree. All admit that it is one of the oldest of the stratified rocks, but whether it antedates organic life on the planet, or is among the earliest of the formations that bear traces of life is not definitely settled. At some time in the history of the strata, either before they had become hardened, or if later when they had beensnade plastic through the agency of heat they appear to have been subjected to a lateral pressure so intense that they were curved, crinkled and twisted into the strange forms they now present. Later, when they had reached their present solid condition, they were, by the same internal force, raised up, tilted, broken and, in parts, completely overturned as we see them to-day. Striking illustrations of the tilting of vast ledges of these rocks can be seen on the west side of the Naugatuck river at Hinchliffe's bridge. The effects of lateral pressure on a large scale can be seen in the gorge below the old clock factory at Hoadley's station on the New York and New England Railroad. Veins of granite occur in many places. They are supposed to have been forced up through rifts in the slate rock from underlying molten masses. Some of these veins are of such extent and the granite is of so fine a quality that they are worked as quarries. The best quarries thus far opened are near the Naugatuck, one at

* The names attached to many of the hills, valleys, streams, and swamps are commemorative of persons or events, and such localities as Spindle hill, Buck's hill, Breakneck hill, Withington hill, Woodtick, Mill plain and Wooster swamp are chiefly interesting in connection with the circumstances which gave them name. They are located and described in the history which follows.


Rattlesnake hill, the other a mile above Reynolds bridge and known as Plymouth quarry.

It is evidently a long time, even as geologists measure time, since changes of position or serious disturbances of any sort have taken place in the rocks that form the Green Mountain range. How much they have been changed on the surface by the slow action of the elements, how often, through repeated subsidences and upheavals of the crust of the earth, they had been submerged in ancient seas and raised again above their surface before the ice age began, can never be known. Some conception of the length of time that elapsed between the completion of the mica-slate formation and the beginning of the ice age can be gained from the fact that at least fifty distinct formations were begun and finished within that period. The possibility that some of these were contemporaneous is admitted, but the relative position of most of them is such that this could have been the case in only a few instances. Standing, as one may in many places on our hills, with one foot on the ancient slate rock and the other on the drift that partially covers it, one becomes a sort of Colossus of time, and the immensity of the period thus spanned quite overpowers the mind.

It is probable that much of the rounding and polishing of the boulders, pebbles and gravel which constitute so large a portion of the drift, was done by water before the glacial era began. The ice in its course took up this material, but deposited much of it unchanged. Long ago, as we reckon time, but quite recently, if we reckon by geologic eras, seas washed the base of the Green Mountain range and sandstone deposits of considerable extent were formed. In these, remains of animal and vegetable life are found which show that the higher forms of both lived on the land in great numbers and for a long period. But, if they lived within the limits of the territory we are describing, all traces of them have disappeared.

The loose, unstratified deposit of clay, sand, gravel, cobble-stones and boulders that covers nearly all the northern part of North America is known as " drift." It is a heterogeneous mass of material that has been transported by some means from places often hundreds of miles away, and always from points northward of its present location. The study of glaciers as they exist to-day in various parts of the world shows that the drift, whatever the history of the parts of which it is composed may be, has come into its present position through glacial agencies. So well are these agencies now understood that an explanation of most of the features presented by the drift in this region is not difficult.


The ice age was formerly looked upon as a completed period in the geological history of the earth, but it is no longer so considered. It may be nearing its close, for ice fields cover far less territory than they covered in the past, or it may be that the recession of the glaciers to higher altitudes and polar latitudes is only temporary, and that they will, sometime, reoccupy their former limits. Evidence is accumulating which shows that the advance and retreat of the ice fields occurred once or more than once before. Vast regions in the polar zones are covered with ice, and glaciers fill the higher valleys in many mountain ranges in the temperate zones, and in the aggregate millions of square miles are to - day undergoing a grinding and smoothing process precisely like that which smoothed and polished our hills of mica-slate. The study of existing glaciers shows them to be moving bodies and recent observations on some of the Alaskan ice fields prove that their velocity varies from a few inches to more than sixty feet in a day. Without stopping to consider the cause of this motion, it is sufficient for our purpose to say that the moving fields of ice trans-ported innumerable boulders far from their original beds (leaving them in many instances on the summits of high mountains), formed kames, drumlins and kettle holes,* and on melting left the general deposit of clay, sand, gravel and loose rocks that covers all our hills and valleys. At almost any point where the removal of the drift has laid the rocks bare, grooves and striae can be seen that were made by the slow but resistless movement of the ice and the sand and the fragments of rock imbedded in it. They are parallel and can often be traced for a long distance. Their direction in this region is a few degrees east of south. It is an interesting fact that, although their course is rarely, if ever, deflected to the right or left by any obstacle, they follow vertically every elevation and depression except the most abrupt. This was explained when it was found that glacial ice is not the rigid solid it seems to be, but yields under its own weight to all the inequalities of surface beneath it. It would be easy to show that this pressure must manifest itself vertically and not laterally. On all our hills of slate rock the easy acclivities are almost invariably on the northern side, and the cliffs, where such exist, are as constantly found on

*A " drum " or " drumlin " is defined as a long narrow ridge or mound of sand, gravel and boulders; a name given by Irish geologists to elevations of this kind, believed to have been the result of glacial agencies. A " kame " is a peculiar elongated ridge made up of detrital material. A " kettle-moraine " is an accumulation of detrital material with kettle-like depressions. These depressions are called kettle-holes. (A fine example of this sort is the north Spectacle pond on the Meriden road near Silver street.) The chief difference between drumlins and kames is in the arrangement of the materials composing them and the time of their formation, the kames being of more recent date. It is only in the kames that the kettle-holes are met with.

The explanation here given of these terms seems called for, as they have but recently appeared in geological writings.


the southern or southeastern side. This shows not only that the denuding force which smoothed the hills came from the north and expended its energy against the rocky obstacles in its course, but that, being a semi-fluid, it did not accommodate itself to sudden and abrupt changes of level as readily as a fluid would have done. Boulders are found everywhere. They belong to various geological formations, but always to such as may be found at some point further north. This may be near at hand or hundreds of miles away. Some are rounded as if water worn in pre-glacial seas. Others are angular as if they had been subjected to little more than the ordinary action of the elements. Their situation often indicates very clearly the means by which their removal was effected. They are as often found stranded on the highest points of our hills as in the vales below-left there when the sea of ice melted away. One of the largest of these stray rocks, in this re-

gion, stands southeast of ton Hitch-Waterbury judge from mineralogia great way from its original bed. So nicely balanced are some of these boulders that they can be moved by

the hand. These are called rocking stones. A remark-able boulder is seen on the old Cheshire road, near the residence of John Mix. It is above the ordinary size, and out of a rift on its highest point a large and wide spreading white oak tree has grown.

a little distance to the the residence of Shelcock, on the road from to Southington, and, to its angularity and its cal character, it is not



During the last thirty years several hills within the city have been leveled. Others, especially along the line of the railroads below the city, are fast disappearing. Very few remain intact. Their removal has afforded to those interested an excellent opportunity for studying their structure. They are composed of sand, gravel and boulders, and are unquestionably of glacial origin. So also are the similar deposits that skirt the hillsides along the Naugatuck and its principal branches. The peculiar arrangement of the material composing them is not easily accounted for. It is not stratified, in the sense in which that term is usually understood, nor is it without a kind of stratification. Sorted, expresses best the arrangement of the sand, clay, gravel and boulders. The hills have usually a linear arrangement in the line of the glacial movement, and in this locality they are always found where some valley, large or small, opens out into a plain. South of West Main street two parallel ranges of hills exist; the range nearest the river consisting of material brought down the Steele Brook valley, and the other and much longer one, of material brought down the Naugatuck valley. Each of the brooklets that flow from the north through the city has its hill of drift, or terminal moraine, as they were formerly called, at the point where the stream enters, or formerly entered, the plain. The moraine of Little Brook valley was the hill (now removed) that extended from where Dr. Alfred North's residence stands to the fountain at the east end of the green. Spencer hill and the hill on which the High School building stands, mark the termination of Great Brook valley. The entrance of Carrington Brook into Mad River valley is marked by an extensive deposit of drift of the same general character as the others we have named, and similar examples may be seen in many other places.

As already remarked, the transportation of earth and boulders by glaciers is going on in many parts of the world to-day, but I do not find that any observer has satisfactorily explained the process by which the different materials in our hills were sorted and deposited. A careful study of their structure, based on observations made while some of them were being removed, has led to the belief that they were formed near the close of the ice period, not by river currents but in temporary lakes. The closing of the gorge (already referred to) below Naugatuck would have resulted in the formation of a lake where Waterbury now stands, deeper than the height of the highest drift hills in this region. Admitting the existence of such a lake, we may suppose that the field of glacial ice extended over its entire surface, and that glacial rivers carried earthy materials across the ice. A deposit must, of course,


have been formed at the termination of the ice field, the same as if it were on the land,. and, as by irregular stages the ice retreated, a line of hills would have been left. The sorting would depend upon the volume and strength of the currents of water flowing over the surface of the ice, and these would vary with the seasons and from various other causes. The structure of the hills is just what it would be if a feeble current bearing clay or sand for a time, till a hillock of such materials was formed, had been succeeded by a flood strong enough to bear along the heavier matter that had been left behind. The advance or retreat of the ice field even for a few feet, or any variations in the course of the currents, would change the place of the deposits, and bring about just such an arrangement as we actually find. This explanation accounts for the limited area covered by the several deposits and their great, relative thickness; also for the varying inclinations they present. As a rule they dip to the north or in the direction from which the material must have come, but it is not rare to find the inclination towards other points of the compass, and occasionally a deposit caps the cone-like hill, falling down to the base on every side. How far the features here described are local I am unable to say, but there are, in several geological works, cuts showing sections of drift hills in various localities, and in some of them the structure is apparently the same as in our hills.

One other feature of these hills is to be noted. Over the entire surface of most, and perhaps all of them, there is a thin layer of drift, rarely more than one or two feet in thickness, which differs from the layers beneath it in that the sand, gravel and boulders of which it is composed are intimately mixed and without any stratification whatever. As river currents capable of moving this material would have demolished the hills themselves, it is probable that it was formed from detritus from floating ice after the glacier had retreated to the northern shores of the lake.

On the road from-Waterbury to Meriden, not far from Silver street,. there were a few years ago two deep holes, partly filled with mud and water, known as the Spectacle ponds. One of them still remains, but the other has been drained by the removal of the bank of drift which separated it from Mad river, and the peat has been carried away. They are very near together, there being only a narrow roadway between them, and their small diameter, circular outline and great comparative depth suggest the name of kettle holes, which is now generally given to similar depressions every-where. The kettle hole on the north side of the road does not exceed three hundred feet in diameter at the top and its depth is


between thirty and forty feet if we include the water and mud which fill the bottom. The steep bank is composed of drift, but a ledge of rocks approaches very near to it on the northern side. The kettle holes were, for a long time, a puzzle to geologists, but it is now generally believed that they mark places where detached masses of ice of moderate extent but of great thickness were surrounded by and covered over with drift at the close of the ice period. As the ice melted, the debris on the surface would fall outward from the middle, and when all was gone a kettle Bole would remain. This explanation does not militate against the theory that a lake covered this region at the time these were formed, for beds of ice of immense thickness are often covered with drift to the depth of many feet and of sufficient weight to strand the whole mass. Few regions illustrate better than ours the principal features of the ice age.

No rich deposits of the metals have ever been found within the limits of ancient Waterbury. It is said that traces of gold and silver exist in several places, and indications of copper are not rare, but the efforts that have been made at mining for these metals have not been successful. Early explorers of the region reported the discovery of graphite, and samples of the mineral seem to have been carried away, but the location of the mine, if there was one, was lost and has never been re-discovered. There are traces of graphite in our mica slate in many places, but nowhere in such quantity as could be called a black lead mine.*

A list of the trees and plants growing in Waterbury at the time of its first settlement would be interesting as showing how many of the native plants have become extinct. No such list exists, and there are very few references in ancient records to particular species even of the useful forest trees. Sometimes a particular species is mentioned as marking a boundary, but that is all. The original forests have been cut down and, though there are more acres of woodland than there were even thirty years ago, the trees are everywhere of recent growth. Probably the chestnut (Castanea

* As remarked in the description of the geological features of this region, the country is dotted all over with boulders, and it is plain that these came from places north of where they now lie. Now it is well known that graphite is abundant at Hinsdale, Mass., at Brandon, Vt., at Ticonderoga on the west shore of Lake Champlain, and at many places north of the Naugatuck valley. Is it not quite probable that a boulder containing graphite from some of these places was found on Lead Mine hill, and that the small quantity thus secured was taken as an indication of a large deposit? There is a boulder on a hillside half a mile south of Bristol, Conn., that contains a small amount of pure graphite. This rock must have come from a long distance to the north, as there are no other rocks of the same kind in that vicinity. A limestone boulder containing a vein of sulphate of strontia, was found a few years ago in the drift overlying the clay slate at Middleburg, Ohio, although the nearest locality where strontia is found in place is on Strontian island in Lake Erie, nearly one hundred miles from where the boulder lies.


vesca) was then as now the most abundant species. This, with the white pine (Pinus strobus), the sugar maple (Acer saccharinum) and four or five of the eight or nine species of oak found here, formed the greater and more valuable part of the forests. Two species that were sparingly found here thirty years ago have since become extinct, the black spruce (Abies nigra) and the paper or canoe birch (Betula papyracea). The former once grew in the swamp south of the Middlebury road, and the latter was found in several deep ravines. One species, the common locust (Robinia pseudacacia), has become naturalized in a few places.

Inasmuch as complete catalogues of the plants of this state, or of special districts, are easily accessible to botanists, it is quite unnecessary to attempt a full list here. What follows relates mostly to plants that are believed to be extinct or are becoming so, and to others that are interesting because of their habits, their beauty or their rarity, although not, perhaps, rare in other places.

Hepatica (Hepatica triloba), is becoming rare, being much sought after for its beautiful and very early flowers. Gold thread (Coptis trifolia), a plant in some repute for its medicinal properties, and abundant a few years ago in the vicinity of Waterbury, has become rare through the clearing up of its habitat-boggy swamps and wet thickets. The tulip tree (Liriodendron tulipifera), the whitewood of the western states, is occasionally met with, but the finest specimens are dwarfs beside the majestic trees of this species found in the west and south. Canadian moonseed (Menispermum Canadense), never common here, seems to have entirely disappeared. The May apple or mandrake (Podophyllum peltatum) grew not many years ago, within a limited area, a short distance above Waterville. Sarracenia purpurea, best known as the pitcher plant or the side-saddle flower, was once very abundant in the peat swamp south of the Middlebury road, but disappeared when the fire overran the bog a few years ago. It is doubtful whether it can now be found within our limits, though very plentiful in. localities not distant.

The climbing fumitory (Adlumia cirrhosa), often cultivated for festoons and bowers, was for several years common along the rocky banks of Hancock brook, above Waterville. The pale corydalis (Corydalis glauca) is sometimes met with on the bare summits of the hills, where it finds root in the seams and rifts of the rocks. We have ten or twelve species of the wild violet. The round-leaved (Viola rotundifolia) is the rarest of these, being found here only in cool, springy places. It is abundant further north, and this is its extreme southern limit, unless it be met with in the


Alleghany Mountains. The violet wood-sorrel (Oxalis violacea), often cultivated, grew wild for a time on the hillside near the residence of Wallace H. Camp. Rhus typhina, the stag horn sumach, is rare in this region, a few specimens being found in the rocky valley of Hancock brook, below Hoadley's station. The bladder nut (Staphylea trifolia) grows at the base of the hill in the meadow west of the Waterbury Brass Company's mill, and in a few other places.

The striped maple (Acer Pennsylvanicum) and the mountain maple (A. spicatum) are found in the ravine at the foot of Eagle rock, near Reynolds Bridge. The fringed polygala (Polygala paucifolia) sometimes called flowering wintergreen, is one of the most beautiful of our early spring flowers. It is not a rare ,plant, but is always a puzzle to young botanists. The prickly pear (Opuntia vulgaris) is common on the summit of Beacon Hill, just south of the line of ancient Waterbury, but does not, so far as I know, occur within our limits. The bristly sarsaparilla or wild elder (Aralia hispida) is found in the ravine between Waterville and Hoadley's station. It is very abundant further north on the Green Mountains. Four other species of this genus are found here. Flowering dogwood (Cornus florida) is met with in all parts of our territory and is quite abundant on the hills west of Thomaston. The dwarf cornel (Cornus Canadensis) grows in a swamp half a mile northwest of the Spindle Hill school-house in Wolcott. It is very common on the hills further north. The cranberry tree (Viburnum opulus) was found, a few years ago, on the hill west of the Waterbury Brass Company's mill, and the hobble-bush (V. lantanoides) grows in the ravine at Reynolds Bridge. The common May-weed (Maruta Cotula), introduced from Europe, was formerly one of the most common weeds seen by the roadside. A few years ago it almost disappeared from this region, and for several seasons could scarcely be found. Lately it has reappeared, but is still rare.

The ox-eye daisy (Leucanthemum vulgare), that beautiful foreign pest which some have named as the national floral emblem, is so common that when it is in blossom in June, our hills are as white as if covered with snow. The creeping snowberry (Chiogenes hispidula) was quite abundant in Cedar Swamp before that was made a reservoir; but it is doubtful whether it can be found within our limits. The trailing arbutus (Epigea repens), once common, has almost disappeared through the ravages of Mayflower hunters, who take it root and branch, flowers or no flowers, wherever they can find it. Jamestown weed (Datura stramonium), not rare thirty years ago, is rarely if ever seen now. The fringed gentian


(Gentiana crinita) is rather common, but is certain to share the fate of the arbutus, as its very pretty flowers are just scarce enough to be sought after. The five-flowered gentian (G. quinqueflora) occurs in Litchfield and in Bristol, and should be found in Plymouth and Thomaston. A thrifty patch of buckbean (Menyanthes trifolia) was found, a few years ago, by J. G. Jones (who has detected several rare plants in this region), in a muddy pool, beside Chestnut Hill brook, in Wolcott. It has since disappeared. Wild ginger (Asarum Canadense) was once common along the banks of Hancock brook, above Waterville.

A tree that, whether cultivated for shade or growing wild, exceeds all others in luxuriance, is the American or white elm (Ulmus Americana). It flourishes everywhere, on high lands and on low, in wet and dry soils alike. Its winged seeds take root and grow in every thicket, in cultivated fields, in gardens and even between the paving stones of gutters and sidewalks. It is a favorite shade tree throughout New England, and it thrives nowhere better than in the Naugatuck valley. The slippery elm - (U. fulva) is rather rare, and seldom reaches a large size in this region. The hop (Humulus lupulus), introduced from Europe, grows spontaneously along the Naugatuck river. The family of oaks is represented by the following species : Quercus alba, Q. montana, Q. bicolor, Q. prinoides, Q. ilicifolia, Q. tinctoria, Q. coccinea, Q. rubra, and Q. palustris. The pine family is represented by the pitch pine (Pious rigida) and the white pine (P. strobus). The latter seems to have been abundant here in early times and to have furnished much valuable timber. The hemlock and the black spruce grew here. The former is now quite rare and the latter exists only as a shade tree around old homesteads. The tamarack or black larch (Larix Americana), once common, is now nearly extinct. The white cedar (Cupressus thyoides) was once abundant in Cedar swamp, and a few scattering trees of small size still grow on the borders of the reservoir which occupies its place; but it is not, so far as I know, found within our limits.

The Indian turnip (Arisaema triphyllurn) is very common, but the dragon root (A. dracontium) is rare. It was growing, a few years ago, along the Naugatuck, just below the Watertown railroad bridge and, in a gully now filled up, near the New England station in Waterbury. The water arum (Calla palustris) grows in Wolcott, in a swamp northwest from the Spindle Hill school-house, also in a swamp near the Middlebury road. Three species of lady's slipper (Cypripedium pubescens, C. parviflorum, C. acaule) occur in this territory. C. acaule is quite common, the others are very rare. At


least twenty-five species of ferns are found in this region. One species, the walking-leaf fern (Camptosorus rhizophyllus), has disappeared from the only locality where I have found it growing. This was in Watertown, near Nonnewaug river, almost due west from the Watertown fair grounds.

In nothing else does the subjugation of a wilderness by man work such change as in its zoology. The larger wild animals are killed or driven away, and domesticated species, either useful or otherwise, take their places. The smaller animals change their haunts and to some extent their habits. Waterfowl desert the lakes and rivers, and other game birds become scarce and shy, and, though a few species of small birds may increase in numbers,,most of them grow scarcer and some disappear, and the birds of prey follow the kinds they subsist upon. Fish are taken to an extent that exceeds their increase, and their homes are poisoned by sewage or closed by obstructions, till they die out, or they are only saved from extinction by a re-stocking of their haunts. Reptiles, from their habits, are less affected than other orders, but these also suffer through the reclamation of waste places and the war of extermination that is ever waged against the noxious kinds. Among the lower orders, especially among insects, these changes mean the destruction of many of the original tribes and the introduction of others.

We have no complete lists of the animals living here at the time of the first settlement of the country, but we know that many changes have taken place. Bears, deer and wolves, once common, are no longer found. Wild geese and ducks and other waterfowl, though formerly here in countless numbers, are rarely if ever seen on the ponds and running streams, and grouse and quail would long ago have become extinct had not the law given them protection. The streams, poisoned by factories, are destitute of fish, and it is only in the small spring brooks among the hills that the trout now finds refuge. Civilization and cultivation mean extermination to the aborigines, whether wild animals or wild men. All give way to civilized man, for not his " rights " but his ambition and selfishness " are paramount," and they have " no rights that he is bound to respect." In enlightened man the cruel instincts of the savage have not yet died out, and he gloats over his more perfect devices for destroying helpless creatures that while living are harmless, and when dead are of no value to him.





THE history of Waterbury begins with its settlement by white men. But there are certain well known or ascertainable facts concerning its condition previous to the earliest visits of Europeans which some readers will expect to find included in the narrative, and which for the sake of completeness ought to be put on record. These facts relate not only to the topography, the geology and the natural history of the region formerly called Mattatuck, but to its aboriginal inhabitants.

These inhabitants belonged, of course, to the American Indian race. It is possible that the Naugatuck valley was at some far off time-say during the last glacial period-occupied by a prehistoric people, represented, as some think, by the Eskimos of the present day. But in the absence of any remains which can be positively assigned to such a people, it is unneccessary to take this possibility into account. The only inhabitants with whom we need concern ourselves are the Indians of whom the first settlers purchased the territory and their predecessors.*

At the time of the discovery of America, and at the settlement of Connecticut a hundred and fifty years later, the entire North American continent was overspread by a people constituting quite certainly a single race. With the possible exception of the Eskimos, they possessed physical and linguistic peculiarities which differenced them from other races of men and set them apart as a people by themselves. At the same time this widely extended race was divided into distinct stocks or peoples, separated from one another not only by geographical position but by the possession of totally distinct languages. There are those who, like Roger Williams in his " Key," speak of " the language of America " as if there were

* Chipped implements have been found in the gravel of the Delaware river, at Trenton, N. J., which from their position must apparently be assigned to a glacial era. (See Abbott's "Primitive Industry," chapter xxxiii.) But no great antiquity can be claimed for any remains thus far discovered in the Naugatuck valley.


only one American Indian language, apparently ignorant of the fact that the Indian languages are numbered by hundreds, if not thousands. But, as in other parts of the world, these languages are not all distinct from one another, nor is the relationship between one and another in all cases the same. Some are as closely related as Spanish and Portuguese are, others as remotely as English and Welsh, and others are as completely separated from one another as are Greek and Hebrew. As in Europe and Asia there is an Aryan family of languages descended with all their diversities from a common parent language, and a Semitic family descended from an-other common parent, so is it with the languages of America. They exist in larger or smaller groups, each group entirely distinct from the others, and each consisting of several languages having a common parentage, and characterized by certain close affinities. There is, for example, an Iroquois group, numbering seven or eight languages, a Dakota group, numbering eighteen, a Shoshonee group, numbering thirty-two languages and dialects, and an Algonkin group numbering seventeen. The seven or eight members of the Iroquois group are evidently sister tongues, possessing to a large extent a common vocabulary and other common characteristics; the same is true of the seventeen members of the Algonkin group. But between the Mohawk language of the Iroquois group, and the Mohegan language of the Algonkin group, although the two existed for a long time side _by side, there was no more relationship than between English and Hungarian. There was a certain resemblance between them in structure, but between their respective vocabularies, that is, between the stock of words used by a Mohawk and the stock of words used by a Mohegan, no resemblance or relationship can be discovered.

It may not be strictly scientific to divide off and classify the peoples speaking these various languages according to the grouping which the languages suggest, but it is very natural to do so, and is not likely to be seriously misleading. While therefore we speak of the American race as one, we speak of it as divided into

races " or peoples. Of all these, the Algonkians-that is, the tribes speaking the various languages of the Algonkin stock-were geographically the most widely distributed. They extended from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains, and from the Churchill River of Hudson Bay to Pamlico Sound in North Carolina." * Some of these -for example, the Crees, Chippeways and Delawares-were numerous and were spread over wide regions. But in the territory now known as New England the population was broken up into compar-

* J. C. Pilling's " Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages," p. iii.


atively small divisions,-the various tribes or bands speaking closely related languages, or dialects of the same language. In Southern New England the tribes best known to us were the Massachusetts, the Nipmucks, the Narragansetts and the Mohegans, to whom the Pequots were closely related.*

Taking our position on the western bank of the Connecticut, say at Hartford, we find ourselves in the midst of an Algonkian people extending for some distance up and down the river, divided into tribes or bands, and perhaps loosely organized into a kind of con federacy. We can not accurately define the nature or extent of their organization, but we learn from the records of the time that at the first coming of the English a certain sachem named Sequassen sold land to them extending as far west as the country of the hostile Mohawks. The tribe of which Sequassen was a sachem must have included the Indians of the Farmington river, some of whom had their principal seat at Poquonnock, a dozen miles to the north of Hartford, and others at the bend in the river, eight or ten miles to the west, where Farmington was afterward settled. From - this bend in the Farmington river, or from the name of the place at which the bend occurs, these Indians were called the Tunxis. t In Barber's " Connecticut Historical Collections " they are spoken of as "numerous and warlike," but Mr. J. W. DeForest in his " History of the Indians of Connecticut " estimates their number at eighty to one hundred warriors, or about four hundred individuals." The first Poquonnock chief known to the English was Sehat, who was succeeded by Nesaheagun, whose name has been perpetuated in that of the first Waterbury lodge of Odd Fellows. The Farmington Indians had a camping-ground at Simsbury also, some miles west of Poquonnock, and claimed ownership of the lands west of there, as far as the Housatonic river. All the territory comprised within the original bounds of Mattatuck was included in their claim.

* By some writers the name Mohegan is used to designate all the Indians between the Narragansetts and the Hudson river. "The Muhhekaneecv or Stockbridge Indians, as well as the tribe at New London, are by the Anglo-Americans called Mohegans. . . . This language is spoken by all the Indians throughout New England. Every tribe, as that of Stockbridge, that of Farmington, that of New London, has a. different dialect; but the language is radically the same. Mr. Eliot's translation of the Bible is in a particular dialect of this Inguage." P. 5 of Dr. Jonathan Edwards's " Observations on the Language of the Muhhekaneew Indians. New Haven, 1788."

1." The locality to which the name originally belonged was the ` bow' or ` turning' of the river, where ` it bends' (cuut-tunkskau) from a southeasterly to a northerly course." Dr. J. H. Trumbull's "Indian Names of Places," p. 74.

The name " Tunxis " survives in the designation of a " tribe" or lodge of the " Order of Red Men," in Waterbury.

M The old-fashioned e of the early scribes having been mistaken, as it often is, for an o, the name has been transformed into " Nosabogan."


Leaving the centre of the state and going southward to the shore of Long Island sound, we enter the country of the Quiripi Indians, who were known around New Haven harbor as the Quinnipiacs. Their territory extended from the Connecticut river to the western bounds of the state. To the west of the New Haven Indians was another Quiripi tribe or band claiming ownership on both sides of the Housatonic. Their territory extended from West river (which flows between New Haven and Orange), or at any rate from Oyster river (which flows between Orange and Milford), all the way to Fairfield. Those who lived to the east of the Housatonic, whose chief seat was near the mouth of the Wepowaug (or Milford) river, were known as Wepowaugs; those to the west and north were called Paugasetts or Paugasucks.*

On the west of the Housatonic the Paugasucks claimed the territory now comprised in the towns of Stratford, Bridgeport, Trumbull, Huntington and Monroe, and on the east of that river lands extending northward beyond Beacon Hill brook, including what lies between the Housatonic and the Naugatuck, and embracing the Mattatuck bounds. Although their well-known sachem Ansantaway f is said to have had his wigwam on Charles Island, the chief seat of the Paugasucks was at the mouth of the Naugatuck. On the tongue of land between the two rivers, about three-fourths of a mile above their junction and close to the Housatonic bank, they had a kind of fortress to_which they were accustomed to resort in times of danger.

It appears, then, that at the date of the settlement of Mattatuck, the country lying to the east and northeast of it was occupied by an Algonkian tribe, having for its natural eastern boundary the Connecticut river, and claiming jurisdiction far to the west, while the country lying to the south was occupied by another Algonkian tribe, having for its natural southern boundary Long Island sound, and claiming jurisdiction far to the" north. Mattatuck itself-as any one may see by a glance at the map of Connecticut-lay at the intersection or overlapping of the two claims, and was the common meeting-ground of both tribes. If the tribes had been hostile rather than friendly, the meeting-ground would have been a battle-ground; but not only was there a good understanding

* In the records of New Haven colony, the name appears as Paugasset ; in the records of the Connecticut colony, Paugasuck. It designated the lands " by Derby ferry and about Derby neck," and was superseded by the English name Derby by vote of the General Court in May, 1675. It denotes, according to Dr. Trumbull (" Indian names," p. 46) "a place at which a strait widens, where the narrows open out," and is descriptive of the junction of the Housatonic and Naugatuck rivers. The name was applied, naturally enough, to the Indians who had their chief seat there.

+ Like Nesaheagun, his name is perpetuated in that of an Odd Fellows' organization in Waterbury-the Ansantawae Encampment.



between them, there are indications in the various deeds of land signed by their representatives, that some of them were inter-related.

At the time of their first contact with Europeans, the American Indians in different regions were found in different stages of development. Those of Central America, Mexico and New Mexico lived in villages (pueblos) and depended almost entirely on horticulture for subsistence. There were other tribes that did not cultivate the ground, but depended entirely upon fish, game and bread-roots. Between these two extremes there were tribes which combined both these modes of life in different degrees. They depended partly on horticulture for subsistence, but could not be considered village Indians. To this class belonged the Indians of the Atlantic coast, including those of Connecticut. They had their established camping-grounds, but they were a roving people. This was true of those from whom the territory of Waterbury was purchased. The Farmington river Indians had their camping-grounds at Poquonnock, Farmington and Simsbury, and the Paugasucks at the mouth of the - Naugatuck. But we must not think of them as dwelling permanently at these places, but rather as frequenting the entire region which they claimed as their own, establishing a temporary camp now at one place and now at another, according to the season of the year and the opportunities afforded for hunting and fishing,-an annual visit to the salt water being a matter of course even with those who lived at a considerable distance from it.* Dr. Bronson says: j " It is believed that at the time of its discovery no Indian settlement existed within the limits of ancient Waterbury." Even if this was the case, it does not follow that the region was not occu-

*" They remove house upon these occasions :From thick warm valleys, where they winter, they remove a little nearer to their summer fields. When 'tis warm spring, then they remove to their fields where they plant corn. In middle of summer, because of the abundance of fleas, which the dust of the house breeds, they will fly and remove on a sudden from one part of their field to a fresh place. And sometimes, having fields a mile or two or many miles asunder, when the work of one field is over, they remove house to another. If death fall in amongst them, they presently remove to a fresh place ; if an enemy approach, they remove into a thicket or swamp, unless they have some fort to remove unto. Sometimes they remove to a hunting-house in the end of the year, and forsake it not until snow lie thick, and they will travel home, men, women and children, through the snow, thirty, yea fifty or sixty miles. But their great remove is from their summer fields to warm and thick woody bottoms where they winter. They are quick ; in half a day, yea, some-times at few hours' warning to be gone, and the house up elsewhere, especially if they have stakes ready pitched for their mats. I once in travel lodged at a house, at which in my return I hoped to have lodged again there the next night ; but the house was gone in that interim, and I was glad to lodge under a tree." (Roger Williams's " Key," pp. 46, 47.)

" Towns they have none, being always removing from one place to another for conveniency of food, some-times to those places where one sort of fish is most plentiful, other whiles where others are. I have seen half a hundred of their wigwams together in a piece of ground, and they show prettily; within a day or two, or a week, they have been all dispersed. They live for the most part by the seaside, especially in the spring and summer quarters ; in winter they are gone up into the country to hunt deer and beaver." (John Josselyn's "Account of Two Voyages to New England, made during the years 1638, 1663," p 99 of reprint.)

+" History of Waterbury," p. 2.


pied, in the way already indicated. As we shall see (in the following chapter), there are remains which go to show either that it was more widely occupied than we are wont to suppose, or else that the period of its occupancy extended over hundreds, if not thousands, of years.

What kind of people were these aboriginal inhabitants of Mattatuck ? The ordinary reader doubtless believes that. he has a tolerably correct conception of them-although his views may be derived from newspaper estimates of the present-day Indians of the west-ern plains. But concerning the essential facts of aboriginal life and character most of us are thoroughly ignorant. This is not the place for elaborate dissertation or minute description; but there are important facts-some of them bearing directly upon the transfer of the territory from barbarian to civilized hands-which ought to be placed on record in such a history as this.

Among the Indians as first known to Europeans a tribal organization was universal. Whatever classification into groups or linguistic families may be suggested by a study of their languages, we must not fail to recognize their division into tribes, each tribe claiming possession of a territory of its own, having a name of its own, and distinguished by a special dialect, the result of its separation in area from others speaking the same mother language. It is not generally known, but it is a well established fact, that within the limits of every tribe-vas another organization -perhaps we should say, an " institution "--which has received the name of clan or gens. The gens is a very ancient form of social organization, which can be traced in nearly all parts of the globe among savage and barbarous peoples, and which existed in full development among the American aborigines at the time of the discovery. A gens consisted originally of a group of persons related by ties of kindred, who " traced their descent from a common female ancestor through females, the evidence of the fact being their possession of a common gentilic name. It included this ancestor and her children, the children of her daughters, and the children of her female descendants, through females, in perpetuity; while the children of her sons, and the children of her male descendants through males, would belong to other genies, namely, those of their respective mothers."* Every tribe, therefore contained at least two gentes, while in some tribes the number had increased by subdivision to more than twenty. Each gens was distinguished by its name and totem (usually the name of some animal or bird) ; its members possessed certain rights in common and were bound together by cer-

* L. H. D4organ's "Ancient Society," pp. 67, 6S.


tain mutual obligations, the most important of which was the obligation not to marry in the gens. It was to the gens, and not to the tribe, that the right belonged of electing sachems and chiefs. The office of sachem (whose duties were confined to affairs of peace) was hereditary in the gens, that is, it was filled by election as often as a vacancy occurred; other chiefs were elected in recognition of personal bravery, wisdom or eloquence. In these elections all adult persons, both men and women, had a right to take part, so that the organization was on a purely democratic basis. The gens held the right also of deposing those whom it had elected, so that the term of office was practically " during good behavior." It ought to be added that the office of sachem, in order to remain within the gens (the line of descent being on the female side), must pass from brother to brother or from uncle to nephew, never from father to son. Property also was hereditary in the gens, and under a similar law.

There is good evidence that these forms of organization-the tribal and the gentilic-existed among the Indians of Connecticut no less than among the other aborigines of America. We have already pointed out certain lines of tribal division and centres of tribal life. There is no doubt (in view of modern investigations) that through these various tribes the existence of three ancient gentes (the Wolf, the Turtle and the Turkey), which belonged to the Indians of Connecticut in common with the Delawares dwelling further to the south, could have been traced, and that these had in the course of centuries been subdivided until they numbered eleven, each having its special name. Among the modern descend-ants of the Mohegans the division into eleven gentes still exists.*

A fact of more importance (not intrinsically, but in order to a correct understanding of the relations of the aborigines to the first settlers) pertains to the ownership of property. Among people in the " lower status of barbarism," the amount of personal property is always small. It consists of one's personal effects, together with possessory rights in garden-beds, and, among some tribes, in joint-tenement houses. Among the Indians, the ownership of these was hereditary in the gens. But, except among the Aztecs, who had advanced somewhat further than the northern tribes, the owner-ship of lands inhered n.ot in the gens but in the tribe. The condition of things existing among the Cherokees and other tribes of the Indian Territory to-day, was universal among the aborigines-namely, tribal ownership of land and no ownership in severalty. The territory of a tribe " consisted of the area of their actual

*" Ancient Society," pp. 173, 174, 100.


settlements and so much of the surrounding region as the tribe ranged over in hunting and fishing, and was able to defend against the encroachments of other tribes." Outside of this area was a margin of neutral ground, separating the tribe from other tribes, and claimed by neither. When the neighboring tribe spoke a different language, this neutral area was likely to be broad; when they spoke dialects of the same language, it was narrower and less clearly marked.* The fact that there were no definite boundary lines may serve to explain the rival claims of different bands which the settlers of Mattatuck had to recognize, involving repeated purchases by them of the same territory.

The kind of life which the aboriginal occupants lived may be partly inferred from what has been said in regard to their means of subsistence. Their chief dependence was upon fishing and hunting, which were the sole employments of the men; the cultivation of the ground was left entirely to women. Whatever pertained to in-door life-the wigwam with all its belongings-was under the care of the women; the men, when not occupied in the chase, cr engaged in war, lived a life of leisure, diversified by the manufacture of bows, arrows, axes and pipes.t

It must be remembered that these people belonged to what has been termed the stone age, and had not emerged from the lower level of barbarism. They knew nothing of iron, and almost nothing of copper. But the _ number of things which they could do, without metals of any kind, is greater than any one would imagine who had not made a special investigation of the matter. They possessed the art of striking fire; they made bows and arrows -the bowstrings of sinew, the arrow-heads of stone or bone; they manufactured various other stone weapons and implements (some

* " ancient Society," p. 112.

+ Roger Williams, in his "Key," says that the men "commonly get and fix the long poles, and then the women cover the house with mats, and line them with embroidered mats which the women make,-which amongst them make as fair a show as hangings with us" (p. 32, first edition.) He says in the same chapter: " Their women constantly beat all their corn with hand " in their pounding mortar ; " they plant it, dress it, gather it, barn it, and take as much pains as any people in the world. . . . It is almost incredible what burthens the poor women carry of corn, of fish, of beans, of mats, and a child beside." " Generally all the men throughout the country have a tobacco-bag, with a pipe in it, hanging at their back. Sometimes they make such great pipes, both of wood and stone, that they are two foot long, with men or beasts carved, so big or massy that a man may be hurt mortally by one of them ; but these commonly come from the Maze-qua uwogs [Mohawks], or the men eaters, three or four hundred miles from us" (pp. 37, 38, 44, 45.)

Wood, in his " New England's Prospect," says that the women in their care of the cornfield," exceed our English husbandmen, keeping it so clear with their clam-shell hoes, as if it were a garden rather than a cornfield, not suffering a choking weed to advance his audacious head above their infant corn, or an under-mining worm to spoil his spurns." He adds that " in winter-time they are their husbands' caterers, . . . and their porters to lug home their venison, which their laziness exposes to the wolves till they impose it upon their wives' shoulders." " They are often troubled, like snails, to carry their houses on their backs, sometimes to fishing-places, other times to hunting-places, after that to a planting place, where it abides the longest " (part 2, chapters 19, 20.)


of them chipped, others ground), such as axes, hammers, chisels, knives, drills, fish-spears, net sinkers, mortars, pestles, pots, pipes, ceremonial and ornamental objects, and implements for use in athletic games. They made vessels of clay mixed with sand and hardened by fire. They had learned how to cure and tan skins, and of these made moccasins, leggins and other wearing apparel. They made nets and twine and rope from filaments of bark, and wove the same material into belts, sashes and burden straps. They made baskets of osier, or cane, or splints; canoes of birch bark or skins, or dug-out logs, and houses of poles covered with skins. They had also invented musical instruments, such as the flute and the drum. They cultivated maize, beans, squashes and tobacco, and made unleavened bread of pounded maize boiled in earthern vessels.* Of the various objects manufactured by the aborigines of Connecticut only those made of stone have escaped the tooth of time, with the exception of. a few specimens of pottery, most of them fragmentary. The stone implements, however-especially the small implements made by chipping-are numerous, and are valu- - able as indicating the kind of life which the primitive man lived and the various places occupied by him in the course of centuries. Within the bounds of ancient Mattatuck, as everywhere else in America, we can trace the red men by the stone relics" they have left behind them. We can see them moving from place to place, establishing their camping-ground now on the river-bank, now by the brook-side, now on some commanding bluff, and again at some perennial spring. The arrow-maker's hut had its place in each camp, and the chips which he made still testify, in many a quiet spot, to his industry and skill. t That there were well-worn paths across the tribal territory, made by these roving bands in the course of centuries, is altogether probable, and it is also probable that some of the roads of the present day follow the trails of our aboriginal predecessors. To what extent during their long occupancy they had carried the task of clearing the land of forests, it is impossible to say. Perhaps they had done more in this direction-especially at certain tribal centres-than they usually receive credit for.

Our outline would be very imperfect, did we make no reference to the language of these aborigines. As already indicated, the dialects spoken on the Connecticut and on Long Island sound, were dialects of an Algonkin language common to all the tribes between the Kennebec river and the Hudson. This language has been pre-

* L. H. Morgan, "North American Review," October, 1868; " Ancient Society," pp. 69, 70. t Compare Abbott's " Primitive Industry," pp. 455-459.


served to the present day in John Eliot's Indian Bible and other translations, in Roger Williams's " Key into the Language. of America," and in Abraham Pierson's " Some Helps for the Indians." The work by Pierson, who was the father of the first rector of-Yale College, is " a catechism in the language of the Quiripi Indians," and represents "a dialect having a place between the dialects of Massachusetts, Narragansett and eastern Connecticut, and those of the middle states; showing nearer affinity than other New England dialects to the true Delaware or Renapi of New Sweden."

This is the dialect which was spoken by the Paugasucks of the Naugatuck river, who claimed ownership of the lands to the north, including the territory of Mattatuck, and must have differed some-what from that spoken by the Farmington Indians. • The nature 'of the differences between the dialects is indicated by Roger Williams in his " Key," under the word anum, meaning " a dog." He says: " The variety of their dialects and proper speech within thirty or forty miles each of other is very great," and illustrates this by the different forms of this word. In the Cowesit dialect it is anum, in the Nipmuck alum, in the Narragansett ayim, and in the Quinnipiac arum. " So that," he adds, "although some pronounce not 1 nor r, yet it is the most proper dialect of other places, contrary to many reports." t Eliot in his "Indian Grammar Begun " refers to the same variations: "We Massachusetts pronounce the n, the Nip-muck Indians pronounce 1, and the Northern Indians pronounce r;" and we have a further instance in the different forms of the name by which the Indians of southwestern Connecticut are designated. " Quinnipiac (quinni pe-auke) means ` long-water land ' or country. -

. . In the Mohegan and Narragansett dialects the first syllable was pronounced quin, by the Connecticut river Indians quil, and by the Indians west of the ` long water' quir." 1 Similar dialectic peculiarities can be traced in the names signed to the deeds given to the settlers of Mattatuck by the Paugasuck Indians, who were undoubtedly Quiripis, when compared with the names of the Indians of Farmington river. Of the dialect actually spoken in the Naugatuck valley, a few words have been preserved by Mr. J. W. DeForest, in the appendix to his " History of the Indians of Connecticut." In this brief list the same dialectic differences can be traced. For ex-ample, the word for " man," which in the Narragansett was nnin, was in the Naugatuck dialect rink; the word for " fire," which in the Massachusetts was noota'e and in the Narragansett note or vote, was in

*Dr. J. H. Trumbull's reprint of Pierson (Hartford, 1573), p. II. i " Key," p. 107.

$ Dr. J. H. Trumbull's " Indian Names," p. 6r.


the Naugatuck ruuhtah. The other Naugatuck words are, wenih, woman, keesoop, day, toofku, night, nujpeh, water, tookh, tree, awaususo, bear, and sepu, river, - for each of which a corresponding word, closely resembling it, may be found in the related dialects. *

The language of which this was one of the dialects has been carefully studied in modern times by DuPonceau, Pickering, Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, and others; its structure has been examined and its grammatical characteristics have been placed on record. Its peculiarities can not be here explained, but it may be worth while to mention that in its structure it was " polysynthetic," like all the Algonkin languages (perhaps we may say, all the aboriginal languages of North America); that its vocabulary, contrary to the popular impression, was abundant rather than scanty, and that it was as completely subject to strict grammatical laws as the languages of the civilized world. Any one who fancies that the aboriginal occupants of IVIattatuck were poorly furnished with means of inter-communication by speech, or had to make use of a rude and form-less dialect, would do well to examine the paradigms of the verb in_ Eliot's grammar, or the vocabularies in Williams's "Key," or the questions and answers in Pierson's catechism. A close study of these remains of an extinct speech would inevitably result in heightening the respect of the student for the mental characteristics of the people upon whose lips, in the course of ages, it developed into a symmetrical, copious and expressive language.

Of the Tunxis and Paugasuck Indians, as they were at the time of the settlement of Mattatuck-their numbers, their condition as a people-we have little or no information, except that which may be drawn from the deeds by which they conveyed their lands to the settlers, the signatures attached to those deeds and the very slight personal allusions connected therewith, or found in the colonial records. We have no description of these people from the pen of any early traveller, nor record of them in any journal of trader or missionary. Any one threading his way through the elaborate metaphysical definitions of the catechism prepared for the Quiripi Indians in 1658 would be justified in inferring that the Quiripis,

* The following is the Quiripi version of the first three petitions of the Lord's prayer, as given in Pier-son's catechism (p. 59 of the reprint), with Dr. Trumbull's literal translation into English. The translation is here made interlinear, to indicate the order of the words in the Indian rendering.

"Noushin ausequamuk terre,

" Our-Father the-place-of-light in,

Werrettepantammunatch kowesewunk.

Let-it-be-well-regarded thy-name.

Peamoutch' kukkussootummowunk.

Let-it-come-hither thy-great-rulership.

Krrantammowunk neratch sket' okke nenar ausequamuk terre."

Thy-thinking be-it-so on-the-face-of earth even-as the-place-of-light in."


and therefore the Paugasucks, must have been a people of great intellectual ability. But the more correct inference would be that the devout Pierson had sadly misconceived the method to be employed in evangelizing a barbarous and ignorant race. There is nothing to indicate that the Indians of Mattatuck differed in any important respect from the other aborigines of New England with whom the early writers have made us acquainted. They had the virtues and the defects of other barbarous peoples. If their virtues were not developed, certain it is that new vices were superadded, as the result of their contact with Europeans. But this is not to be wondered at. When we consider the red man's nature and disposition, the stage of development he had reached and the severe ordeal involved in his being brought suddenly in contact with an aggressive civilization, his conduct in this trying period of his history seems upon the whole worthy of high commendation. How-ever cruel and bloodthirsty he may have been by nature, it is certain that in his intercourse with peaceable white men he was peace-able; if they showed themselves friendly, he was their faithful and useful friend.*

* The gradual withdrawal and disappearance of the Paugasuck and Tunxis Indians before the advance of the white man has been traced by the author of this chapter in two lectures delivered in Waterbury, January 27 and February 17, 1879, and published in the " Waterbury American " (weekly edition) of February 7 and March 7. These lectures were afterward embodied in the " Indian History" prefixed to Orcutt's " History of Derby."







O F the aboriginal occupants of Mattatuck the traces that remain are of three kinds: First, the deeds which record the transfer of their lands to the early settlers; secondly, the Indian place-names which under forms more or less disguised have survived in the town records or in tradition, and some of which are in common use at the present day; and thirdly, the stone implements scattered over the region, many of which have been found and have passed into the hands of collectors. What follows is an attempt to describe these several kinds of remains.

The author of " Good News from New England," writing of Indian customs, says: " Every sachem knoweth how far the bounds and limits of his own country extendeth; and that is his own proper inheritance   In this circuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring him his fee." It was natural for Europeans familiar with the institutions of feudalism and royalty, to suppose that among the barbarous tribes found occupying the new world government was monarchical, as among themselves. To them a sachem was a petty king, the people of the tribe were his subjects, and the tribal territory was, as in the passage just quoted, " his own proper inheritance." But if this was true at all, it was only in the narrowest sense. The territory belonged to the sachem simply as the official representative of his people. An Indian tribe was a democracy; the sachemship was an elective office; and the lands belonged no more to the sachem than to the others. They belonged to the tribe. The true state of the case-however the early settlers may have misunderstood it-comes to view in the large number of Indian names usually attached to an Indian deed. The list may not in any case have included all the adult males of the tribe, but as a rule the tribe was well represented, and the sachem's name seldom, if ever, stood alone. The settlers had no real-estate transactions with individual Indians, and on the other hand they did not allow

ividual white men-in Connecticut, at any rate-to buy of the


Indians, either directly or indirectly, land or timber " or candle-wood or trees of any sort or kind," without authority from the General Court.* The first purchase of land within the limits of Matta-tuck with reference to a settlement was made by a committee of the General Court in behalf of the settlers, and subsequent purchases were made through a committee appointed by the settlers them-selves, or rather, by a company known as the " proprietors of Mattatuck."

The Indian deeds relating to the transfer of Waterbury territory from the aboriginal owners to white men are six in number. The earliest of these antedates by seventeen years the first regular purchase with reference to a plantation at Mattatuck. It appears that two of the inhabitants of Farmington, Stanley and Andrews by name, in their excursions westward had somewhere discovered a deposit of graphite, or something which they mistook for that valuable mineral.t Their discovery attracted some attention and doubtless led to what appears to have been the first purchase of land lying within the Naugatuck valley. In the curious deed that relates to it, dated February 8, 1657 (O. S.), and recorded in the town records of Farmington, the purchase is described as "a parcel or tract of land called Matetacoke [Mattatuckok], that is to say, the hill from whence John Stanley and John Andrews brought the black lead, and all the land within eight mile of that hill on every side,"-making a circular. area, sixteen miles in diameter. The purchasers were William Lewis and Samuel Steele of Farmington, and the grantors were Kepaquam, Queromus and 1VIataneg. It appears from a deed of 1714, relating to the same tract of land, that a considerable part of it was " comprised within the bounds of Water-bury." But such were the terms of the grant, and such was the action of the General Court in the final disposal of the territory, that this earliest purchase need not be further considered here.t When, on August 11, 1714, this same tract was conveyed anew to Stanley, Lewis and their associates and successors, the deed was signed by Pethuzo and Toxcronuck, who claimed to be the successors of Kepaquam, Queromus and Mattaneag, and in October following it was signed by four other Indians, Taphow the younger and his squaw, Awowas (or Wowowis) and Petasas, a female grand-

* See Colonial Records of Connecticut, Vol. I, p. 214 ; New Haven Colony Records, Vol. II, pp. 593, 594. There are cases on record like this, under date of May 12, 1679: " This Court grants liberty to Lieutenant Samuel Steele to purchase of Nesahegen one acre of land in Farmington meadow." (Conn. Col. Records, Vol. III, p. 29.)

+See Chapter I, p. q, and note.

r The history of this tract, which was for some time a bone of contention in the colony, is given in some detail in the lecture entitled " Footprints of the Red Tian in jhe Naugatuck Valley," referred to on p. 25.


child, probably of Awowas. Some of these names we shall refer to subsequently.

Of the four deeds obtained by the proprietors of Mattatuck from the aboriginal owners, the first is dated August 26, 1674. It conveyed a tract of land lying on both sides of the Mattatuck river, measuring ten miles from north to south, and six miles in breadth. The second deed was given ten years later-April 29, 1684-and nearly doubled the area of the town by the addition of a tract lying on the north of the previous purchase. The third deed, given December 2, of the same year, refers to the purchase made by the committee of the General Court in 1674, and in consideration of nine pounds received from the agents of the proprietors, conveys certain lands additional. These three deeds were given by the Tunxis or Farmington Indians; the fourth, dated February 20, 1685, was given by the Paugasuck or Derby Indians, and conveyed twenty parcels of land, designated in the deed by their Indian names, probably most of them comprised in the first and third purchases from the Farmington tribe. A sufficient explanation of - these purchases of the same territory from two different tribes within the space of three months, is afforded by what has been said with regard to the limits of tribal territory and the conflict of claims concerning the " neutral area."

Of two of these deeds-that of December 2, 1684 and that of February 20, 1685-the original autographs were discovered in 189o, bearing the names of the aboriginal proprietors (representatives of their tribes), and over against their names their respective "marks," made with their own clumsy fingers. Copies of these deeds and of the other two are preserved in the Waterbury Land Records, and they bring before us the red man at his point of closest approach to us. In the light of these interesting documents we see him standing for a little while upon the threshold of our history, and then turning away to vanish into darkness.*

It is not our object just now, to set forth the relations of these deeds, or of the purchases which they represent, to the settlement of Mattatuck; but rather to obtain from an examination of the names attached to them, and from any slight hints they contain, as definite a conception as possible of the Indians from whom the lands were purchased, who_ may with some propriety be considered the aboriginal occupants of Waterbury. In a deed given by the Farmington tribe to the town of Farmington, May 22, 1673, we read, "These are the names of the Indians that are now present, the day and year

* The four deeds are recorded in Vol. II. of the Land Records, pp. 224-231, but not in chronological order.   •


aforesaid." At the several sales of Mattatuck territory the red men and their squaws were doubtless present-assembled at some one place-and if the modern photographer could only have been standing near with his camera we should now have representations of the aboriginal grantors which would enable us to estimate them more correctly. But we have only their names and some few indications of their relations to one another, and there are reasons why the names of persons and of relationships should both be misleading. The place-names which have come to us from the red man were so constructed that they can be analyzed and interpreted; with their personal names the case is different. Even if we could trans-late them into English, as we do the names of the modern Indians of the west, they would probably be to us without significance; and as regards relationships, their mode of designating them was so different from ours that even the commonest terms were liable to be misunderstood. In the system of consanguinity which prevailed among our aboriginal predecessors (and which prevails to-day throughout the American race)* a man called his sister's children nephews and nieces (as with us), and they called him uncle; but his brother's children he called sons and daughters, and they called him father. A woman called her brother's children nephews and nieces (as with us), but she called her sister's children sons and daughters, and they called her mother. My father's sister's children and my mother's brother's children are my cousins; but my father's brother's children and my mother's sister's children are my brothers and sisters. And these designations represent an elaborate scheme, no part of which corresponds closely to our own. It is obvious, therefore, that if in the several deeds not only the names but the relationships of the grantors were invariably given (as they are in some instances), this would not greatly aid us in reconstructing the aboriginal tribe or band; we should still have only a list of names before us.

But notwithstanding the scantiness of our material, it may be worth while to see what we can do with it.

Unfolding before us the first of these Indian deeds-that of August 26, '674-we find that the persons designated as the " owners and proprietors " of the tract of land called by the name of Mattatuck " are fourteen in number, and bear the following names: Nesaheagin, John Compound, Queramouch, Spinning Squaw, Tap-how, Chere, Aupkt, Caranchaquo, Patucko, Atumtucko, James, Uncowate, Nenapush Squaw, Allwaush. The order in which the

* See L. H. Morgan's " Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family," Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. XVI I ; " Ancient Society," pp. 435-452.


names are here given is that which is followed in the body of the deed; the order in which the grantors affixed their marks to the original document may have been different, and we find among the signatures the statement that "Patucko promises for James," from which it is natural to infer that James was not present with the others. Among the witnesses is mentioned " Robin, the Indian."

In the second deed,-given nearly ten years later, that is, April 29, 1684, and relating to the northern purchase-three of these names appear again, namely, Patucko, who signs "in the name and behalf and by order of Atumtucko," and Taphow. To these may probably be added Allwaush, although somewhat disguised under the form of Wawowus. These are the four that come first in order, and following these we have Judas, Mantow, Momantow's Squaw, and Mary or Mercy, who is described as Sepus's Squaw,*-making eight in all. Among the signatures we find the additional name of Quatowquechuck, Taphow's son, with the statement that " though Taphow's son's name is not in the deed above, yet he doth agree to the sale with the rest, this 3oth of April, 1684." Among the witnesses to-this deed is named " Momantow, Indian," whose squaw is mentioned among the grantors, and who must therefore be distinguished from Mantow, also one of the grantors. These persons are described in the body of the deed as " Indians now belonging to Farmington."

In the third deed, the original autograph of which is preserved -that of December 2, 1684-the names of John a Compowne, Man-tow, Atumtucko and Spinning Squaw reappear, and in addition to these we have Worun Compowne, and instead of Patucko, Patucko's Squaw, who is designated Atumtucko's mother (which, however, may mean his aunt), and, second in the list, a new name, Hachatowsuck. The name Sebocket, which appears among the signatures under the form of Abuckt or Abucket, is probably the same which occurs in the first deed as Aupkt. The names given in the body of this third deed are seven in number; among the additional signa tures at the end are James's daughter, by Cockoeson's sister," " also Cockoeson's sister's daughter, as also Abuck." We learn from another memorandum that Cockoeson's sister was " Patucko's squaw," and that Warun Compowne was " Nesaheg's son," perhaps his nephew.

Counting the several distinct names that appear in the three deeds given by Farmington Indians, we find that they number twenty-five. Mr. J. W. De Forest has been quoted as assigning to the Farmington tribe a population of " eighty to one hundred war-

* Sepus's name is preserved in Waterbury (but in incorrect form) in Sequeses Council, Degree of Pocahontas, of the " Improved Order of Red Men."


riors, or about four hundred persons." But Mr. De Forest frankly confesses * that his estimate is " based upon nothing," and in all probability it is too large. There must have been at this time a good many Farmington Indians besides these; in the deed already referred to, given to the town of Farmington in 1673, the following names are found in addition to those already enumerated: Nonawau, Onkawont, Skerawagh, Wauno, Seacut, Wonkes, Aslanaugh, Wasamock, Cochemhoote and Nocimamon. The number of signers on that occasion, including two sons of James and several squaws,

was twenty-five. But the tendency of the latest investigators is to the belief that our estimates of the Indian population have hitherto been entirely too high, and sympathizing with this 'view we venture the opinion that the twenty-five men and women who signed the Mattatuck deeds constituted a fair representation of the Farmington tribe. If we are to distinguish in any way between the signers of the deeds and others who did not sign, we may sup-pose that the signers (excepting, of course, the sachem and perhaps members of his family) belonged to a band that had from time to time occupied a camping ground within Mattatuck bounds and thus secured a special claim to the territory.

Examining the names themselves, what do we find ? John Josselyn, in his " Two Voyages to New England," f says that the Indians " covet much to be called after our English manner, Robin, Harry, Philip, and the like." In each of these deeds we find this preference illustrated. Among the names mentioned in the first are included (besides the witness, Robin) a John and a James; in the second we find a Judas and a Mary or Mercy, and in the third John appears again. The first deed mentions also a Chere (written afterward Chery), which may possibly stand for Cherry, and in both the first and the third deed Spinning Squaw holds a prominent place. We may readily believe that the English proper names were attached to the Indians who bore them in a hap-hazard way; but the designation " Spinning Squaw " invites inquiry. Is it to aboriginal spinning (making thread from filaments of bark) that reference is made? or had this woman learned to spin from her white neighbors of Farmington, and become so devoted to that kind of work that it gave her a name ? It is interesting to learn that this woman's name became connected at an early day with a locality in the northern part of the town. The purchase described in the deed of April 29, 1684, is spoken of as having upon its southern boundary

* " History of the Indians of Connecticut," p. 52.

+" An Account of Two Voyages to New England, Made during the Years 1638, 1663. By John Josselyn, Gent.;" reprint of 1865, p. xoo.


that which was formerly Spinning Squaw's land;" in other words, her land was at the northern end of the purchase of 1674. But how this case of individual ownership came to pass (if such it was) there is nothing to indicate.

Of the Indian names in the deed of 1674, the first in order, and doubtless the first in importance, is Nesaheagun. The name is spelled in a variety of ways, and seems to be identical with Neesouweegun, a name found attached to an agreement with the towns-men of New London in 1651.* But the bearer of the name (known also as Daniel) could scarcely have been the same person. Nesaheagun seems to have been the successor, and, in accordance with Indian law, the nephew of Sehat (Seocut ?) who was the first sachem of the Farmington tribe with whom the English became acquainted. Nesaheagun is spoken of as sachem of Poquonnock in Windsor," and about the year 1666 sold a tract of land measuring twenty-eight thousand acres to certain agents of that town. His name does not reappear in the second and third deeds; but the first name in the third deed is John a Compound, which, by the way, stands next to Nesaheagun's in the first, and the fourth is Warun Compound, who is described as " Nesaheg's son," which may mean his nephew. If John a Compound was also a nephew of Nesaheagun, or his brother, he may have been his successor in the sachemship. This name, Compound, if not of English origin, has been forced into a strange resemblance to English; but there is reason to suspect that it is an Indian name in disguise, possibly a place-name. In the third deed -that of December 2, 1684-the full name is given as John a Cornpowne. The chief who figures most prominently in the early history of Virginia was named Powhattan, from the falls in the river (pauat-hanne) near which he lived. Is it not possible that the " Indian proprietor " who here comes before us may have been named in a similar way from the " other-side falls," wherever these may have been ? At all events, acompown-tuk (if there were such a name) would mean the falls on the other side," and might easily have been transformed by " otosis " into " a-Compound." The name Compounce, attached to a pond in the north-western part of Southington, is usually regarded as a corruption of " Compound's;" but in this latest form it resembles more closely the name as it appears in the Farmington deed of 1673, where it is given as Cornpaus.

The third name in the deed of 1674, Queramouch, is interesting as being identical with one of the three Indian names already mentioned in the curious deed of 1657, where it appears as Querrimus

* President Stiles, First Series Mass. His. Coll., Vol. X, p. xox.


or Queromus. His associates in the deed of 1657 were Kepaquamp and Mataneag. This last name may afford another instance of the naming of a chief from the place where he lived. There was a place called Mattaneaug, or Matianock, near the mouth of Farmington river in Windsor. In the Colonial Records of 164o it is called Mattanag. Arramamet, described in 1636 as " sachem of Matianocke," lived near the present line between Windsor and Hartford, and twenty years later-in 1657-the same sachem or his successor may have been designated by the name of the place at which he resided.*

Of the names Uncowate and " Nenapush Squaw " we know nothing further. But Patucko, whose name is the first in the deed of April, 1684, and who is superseded in the deed of December following by " Patucko's squaw," ought to interest us especially as the source of one of the place-names that have survived to the present day. One would hardly suspect a connection between Tucker's Ring, in the northwest corner of the town of Wolcott, and this Indian " proprietor," but such a connection exists. A suggestion of it is found in the name Ptuckering Road, and in a deed of 1731, cited in Dr. Bronson's " History of Waterbury," Potucko's Ring is. definitely mentioned. If the story is true that he kindled a fire in the form of a large ring around a hill, in hunting deer, and perished within it," that may account for the place-name. At the same time it is worthy of mention that potucko (in the Narragansett dialect puttukki, in the Massachusetts, petukqui) means round. Dr. Trumbull calls attention to the fact that " a Patackhouse, sister of Nessahegen of Pequannoc, signed a deed to Windsor in 1665." t If Potucko lost his life (in the way indicated by tradition, or otherwise) between April and December, 1684, the substitution of his squaw's name for his in the later deed would readily be explained.

Attention has already been called to the fact that while Momantow's squaw is named as one of the grantors in the deed of April, 1684, Momantow himself was among those who witnessed it. This would indicate that the wife had certain rights in the second grant of land in which the husband did not share. Whether this was the case with other squaws who are named in the deed as grantors, it is difficult to say; but this can hardly be the explanation of the substitution of Potucko's squaw for Potucko himself in the deed of December, 1684, because the land therein described is substantially the

*See Trumbull's " Indian Geographical Names," p. 27.

t " Indian Geographical Names," p. 57. In several of the Algonkin versions of the Lord's prayer, Petukkeneagor some cognate word is used for "bread," meaning "something round." In the Mohegan dialect it is 'tquogh; in the Virginia tuckahoe, whence the modern " hoe-cake."

Potucko's name is perpetuated in another way in Waterbury-in Potucko Assembly (No. 229) of the " Royal Society of Good Fellows," an insurance fraternity.



same as that which Potucko, with others, deeded ten years before. It is nevertheless true that a study of these names and relationships inevitably suggests that the gens, as distinguished from the tribe, had come to be somehow recognized in the ownership of land as well as of personal property. The rule which (as we have seen) had become well established among the Aztecs may have begun to operate among the Indians of Connecticut.

The only other names in the three Farmington deeds that require notice are Quatoquechuck, who has already been referred to as Taphow's son, and Hachatowsuck. This last name, under the form " Hatchetowset," occurs frequently in the Woodbury and Litchfield records, but evidently as designating another person. He is mentioned in the Litchfield Land Records as buying and selling land as late as 1736, and in 1741 he petitioned the General Court to help him to a division of the Indian lands at Pootatuck, at which date his eldest child was aged sixteen. It is evident from these facts that the Pootatuck Indian could not be identical with the signer of the deed of 1684. One who was sufficiently prominent at that date to stand second among the native " proprietors " of Mattatuck, would hardly be speculating in land fifty-two years afterward. Besides, there is no reason to doubt that the same name frequently belonged to persons of different tribes. If we could analyze Indian personal names, we should probably find it to be a matter of course




that there should be a Hachetowsuck in the Tunxis tribe and an Atchetouset among the Pootatucks. But it illustrates the curious changes to which Indian names were subject on European lips, to

* This " pestle " was found in 1883, in a cave (afterward destroyed by quarrying) at Turkey Hill, near Turkey Brook, Derby. It is 17 inches long and 2% by 2% inches in diameter at the middle. The material is a compact mica slate. It is worn smooth on one side, but not at the ends.


find that the Pootatuck Atchetouset, in his petition to the General Court, appears under the guise of Hatchet Tousey." Many years later a squaw of the Turkey Hill band, near Derby, bore the name of Moll Hatchet. She was said to have been so called from the fact that she habitually carried a hatchet with her; but the name seems to have belonged to her family and was very probably a remnant of some such genuine Indian name as Hatchetowsuck. In " Hatchet Tousey " the transformation may be seen taking place.

When we turn to the deed given by the Paugasuck or Derby Indians, we find an entirely new set of names before us, representing another and for the most part a distinct tribe. The names mentioned in the body of the deed, and at the end of it, are as follows : Awawus, Conquapatana, Curan, Cocapadous, Cocoeson, Tataracum, Kekasahum, Wenuntacun, Wechumunke, Weruncaske, Arumpiske and Notanumhke. Of the twelve persons thus designated the first eight appear to have been men, the other four were women. Of the relations of the grantors to one another and to other Indians, there are some slight indications. Although the name of Awawus comes first in the list, it is Conquepatana who is designated " sagamore," that is, sachem.* But Awawus, as the position of his name indicates, must have been sufficiently prominent among the grantors to hold a representative place; for in a memorandum attached to the deed by Governor Robert Treat of Mil-ford, he calls him "the Indian proprietor." "Awawas, the Indian proprietor," he says, " appeared at my house and owned this deed above mentioned to be his act, and that he has signed and sealed to it." On the 18th of April, Conquepatana made a similar acknowledgment of the deed before the governor, "and said he knew what was in it, and said it was weregen." f The relation between the name

* The impression is prevalent-based upon the positive statements of some of the earlier writers-that the terms "sachem" and "sagamore" designated two distinct offices, the second inferior and subordinate to the first. But there seems to be no good ground for such a representation. Dr. J. H. Trumbull, in his edition of Roger Williams's " Key," note 292, says that a comparison of the several forms of the word as found in different Algonkin dialects "establishes the identity of sachem with sagamore."

In the Massachusetts vocabulary attached to Wood's " New England's Prospect," published in x635, sag-amore and sachem are said to be the same, although Wood says elsewhere (in the monarchical phraseology so generally adopted) that " a king of large dominions hath his viceroys or inferior kings under him, to agitate his state affairs and keep his subjects in good decorum. Other offices there be," he adds, "but how to distinguish them by name is something difficult " (p. 9o, reprint of x865). Daniel Gookin, on the other hand, writing about 1674, seems to make a difference between the two terms. He says, speaking of the Pequots : "Their chief sachem held dominion over divers petty sagamores." (First Series Mass. His. Coll., vol. I. p. 147)-

+ Weregen means "a good thing." In the form Wauregan the word has been appropriated as the name of a manufacturing company and a village in eastern Connecticut. Dr. Trumbull (" Indian Names," p. 79) says: "It was doubtless suggested by a line in Dr. Elisha Tracy's epitaph on Sam Uncas in the DiIohegan burying-ground in Norwich :

For courage bold, for things wauregan

He was the glory of Moheagon.' "


of the sagamore and the fourth name in the list, Cocapadoush, is not apparent at first glance, but comes to view when we give them as they are given in another deed (April 1, 17o9), where they are written "Cockapotanah," and "Cockapotoch." The sagamore is known in later records as Konkapot, and he who stands fourth in the list was Konkapot-oos, perhaps Little Konkapot. It may be worth while to mention in this connection that Konkapotanah lived until 1731, and that on June 28, 1711, he and his son "Tom Indian" deeded to the proprietors of Waterbury, for a consideration of twenty-five shillings, " a small piece of land " north of Derby bounds, west of the Naugatuck river, and south of Toantuck brook.* In a deed given by Nonnewaug and other Pootatuck Indians, in 1700, to the people of Woodbury, Konkapotana's son is included among the signers, and also another of the grantors we are just now considering, Wenuntacun; from which it would appear that close selationships existed between the Paugasucks and the Pootatucks similar to those between the Paugasucks and the Tunxis. Of the other four men in our list, namely Curan and Cocoeson, two are represented not only personally, but by the women whose names follow. One of these, Arumpiske, is said to be Curan's squaw, and another, Notanumke, Curan's sister. The other two women, Wechumunke and Weruncaske, are designated as Cocoeson's sisters.

By the mention of Cocoeson's sisters we are brought to a consideration of the relation of this fourth deed to the other Waterbury deeds, or rather, the relation of these Paugasuck Indians to the Farmington tribe in the ownership of Mattatuck territory. It has already been suggested that Wawowus of the second deed (April 29, 1684) was identical with Alwaush of the first. Is it not probable that Awawus, whose name comes first in this Paugasuck deed-the "Indian proprietor" who appeared before Governor Treat-is the same person ? It is possible, too, that the Curan of this fourth deed is identical with Carat-chaquo, of the first, and the position of his name, between Conkapotana and Conkapotoos, suggests a relationship between him and them. But, however this may be, we

* It would be interesting to know whether there was any relatior. of kinship between Konkapotana and Captain Konkapot, who figures so prominently among the Stockbridge Indians of the upper Housatonic. A deed of the territory comprising the " upper and lower Housatonic townships," made in 1724, was signed by Konkapot and twenty others. He received his captain's commission from Governor Belcher, in 1734, was baptized in 1735, and died previous to 177o-one of the first fruits of the mission to the Housatonic Indians, of which the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, born in Waterbury, was the founder.

The name is perpetuated in Konkapot river in North Canaan, and in Konkapot's brook in the southeast-ern part of Stockbridge, Mass. This latter stream has become in the mouths of the people " Konk's brook," and latterly, with the help of "otosis" has been degraded into " Skunk's brook." Thus is the stately name of the sachem of the Paugasucks reduced to an offensive monosyllable!


may feel certain that the sisters of Cocoeson mentioned here are identical with the " Cocoeson's sisters " who signed the deed of December 2, 1684. And this being the case, we are in a position to make still further identifications. We learn from the deed of December 2 that Cocoeson's sisters were James's daughters, and that one of them was Patucko's squaw and Atumtucko's mother. This establishes the fact, suggested by his name, that Atumtucko was Patucko's son; it also explains why, in the deed of 1674, Patucko "promised for James," and suggests to us that we are to look for this James among the Paugasucks. In a deed of 1659, by which the Paugasucks sold to Lieutenant Thomas Wheeler the land between the Housatonic and Naugatuck rivers, we find the name of Pagasett James." It is almost impossible to avoid the conclusion that this Paugasuck James was the James who was the father of Cocoeson and his sisters, and that the sister who in the fourth deed is designated a squaw, that is, Wechumunke, was Patucko's squaw and Atumtucko's mother. At the sale of December z, it would appear that " Atumtoco's mother, Jemes's dafter," was not present, but was represented by the other sister, Werumcaske. " Cockeweson's sister's dafter " is also mentioned as among the signers.

It is impossible to say to what extent these twelve grantors were representative of the Paugasuck tribe, or whether there were any other connections by marriage between the Paugasucks and the Tunxis than the two deeds reveal to us. Besides, in attempting to interpret and estimate the very slight data afforded us, we must remember what has been said in regard to Indian systems of con-sanguinity, and the risk of our being misled by English terms, mistakenly applied to Indian relationships. If our supply of facts were larger, we might find among the aboriginal proprietors of Mattatuck unquestionable evidence of the existence of the -ens, of inheritance through the mother (as in so many of the Indian tribes), and of the descent of the sachemship not from father to son, but from uncle to nephew. Such facts as we have brought to view seem to point in that direction.

The results of such an examination as this of old records must seem trifling and unsatisfactory. But it will be worth while to have labored over them if the aboriginal owners and occupants of Waterbury are thus brought more distinctly before us. It gives us a somewhat firmer hold upon these flitting forms of the wilderness to know their names and some of the ties which bound them to one another. We see them roaming the forests and threading their way along the river banks, and when the white man comes with his money and coats and axes and hoes we see them gathering from the " long


river " on the east and the Housatonic on the south for a conference and a sale, and after the deeds have been drawn up and signed, and marked with the red man's " marks," returning to their camping-grounds little aware of the meaning of the bargain they have made. When Governor Treat made his memorandum on the Paugasuck deed that Conquepatana had appeared before him and acknowledged it, he added that the sagamore "said he knew what was in it and said it was 7veregen" [good]. But how little he knew ! How little he appreciated the far-reaching significance of the trans-action that had taken place a few weeks before on the banks of the Naugatuck. But it was a peaceable and friendly sale, and so were the others that had preceded it. The rival claimants were not hostile but friendly tribes, and the friendship of both of them for the white man remained unbroken to the end.



*(I) The modern pipe in the above cut was made by a Dakota Indian, evidently in imitation of the tomahawk pipes of an earlier day. It is of catlinite, in two pieces, is very accurately made, and is covered with delicately engraved lines. Its length is 15 inches, the diameter of the bowl % inch. It is figured here for the sake of the contrast with (2) the rude soapstone pipe below it, found in Milford, Conn., which was made perhaps after the settlement of the town. The bowl is nearly square ; the stem 4 inches long. The maker, in drilling the hole through the stem, diverged from a direct line and broke through near the base of the bowl. The smoker (if it was ever used) must have covered the aperture with his finger. If this is a fair specimen of the workmanship of the Wepowaug Indians, a Iow estimate must be placed upon their skill. (3) The pipe with a face and figure upon it displays as much skill as the first, and is a remarkable specimen of prehistoric art. It is described in Chapter V.

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